Wednesday, June 24, 2020

The Electoral College Map (6/24/20)

Update for June 24.


Wednesday brought with it the release of a trio of polls out of a handful of toss up states currently shaded in light blue here at FHQ. With that came the possibility of some changes. But as was the case with the Texas survey released a day ago, these latest polls of Biden toss up states maintained the status quo in each more than anything else.  However, that was more true in North Carolina and Ohio than it was for Wisconsin where the margin ran well ahead of where the average gap here at FHQ is at the moment.

Polling quick hits:
North Carolina:
Public Policy Polling was in the field in North Carolina earlier this week and again found former Vice President Joe Biden to be ahead of President Donal Trump. And while the two point edge is consistent with both recent polling in the Tar Heel state and the average lead Biden holds there, it was a bit of a contraction from the poll the firm released earlier in June. That may or may not be statistical noise between the two surveys, but PPP has had Biden marginally ahead of Trump in all of its 2020 polling of North Carolina.

Ohio:
Similarly, the Quinnipiac survey of Ohio had Biden just in front of Trump which is also in line with the average margin here at FHQ (Biden +0.4). The Buckeye state remains the closest state between the two major party candidates and is the state most likely to alter the current 352-186 electoral college projection. And as odd as it might seem, Ohio has only been surveyed on the presidential race six times in calendar 2020. Typically, the electoral college bellwether has been polled quite a bit more frequently and provides a clearer picture on the state of the race there. But it is not as if the handful of surveys there have oscillated that much. All have shown a race between Biden and Trump within four points.

Wisconsin:
Polling frequency has not been an issue in Wisconsin in 2020, but that was probably never going to be the case with it or any of the blue wall states that drifted over into the Republican column four years ago. And with the exception of a couple of Change Research surveys, all of the polls conducted in the Badger state since the last Marquette survey there have pointed to a margin closer to double digits in Biden's favor than another nail biter as in 2016. This latest Marquette poll falls in that range as well. It along with the stream of recent polling has pushed Wisconsin further away from the partisan line on the Electoral College Spectrum below and closer to Lean Biden territory. But it is not there yet.


NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
CT-7
(173)
NV-6
(249)
MO-10
(125)
NE-2
(56)
HI-4
(18)
OR-7
(180)
WI-10
(259)
AK-3
(115)
TN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
DE-3
(183)
FL-293
(288/279)
MT-3
(112)
AL-9
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
AZ-11
(299/250)
SC-9
(109)
ID-4
(34)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
PA-20
(319/239)
UT-6
(100)
KY-8
(30)
MD-10
(115)
MN-10
(207)
NC-15
(334/219)
LA-8
NE CD1-1
(94)
ND-3
(22)
IL-20
(135)
VA-13
(220)
OH-18
(352/204)
MS-6
(85)
SD-3
(19)
WA-12
(147)
ME-2
(222)
GA-16
(186)
IN-11
(79)
OK-7
(16)
RI-4
ME CD1-1
(152)
MI-16
(238)
IA-6
(170)
KS-6
(68)
WV-5
(9)
NJ-14
(166)
NH-4
NE CD2-1
(243)
TX-38
ME CD2-1
(164)
AR-6
(62)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Florida (Biden's toss up states up to Florida), he would have 279 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Florida
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state.

While one will always take any new data out of a group of battleground states, the introduction of today's polls did little to alter the outlook depicted above on the map. But the Wisconsin survey did push the Badger state past Florida, deeper into Biden's coalition of states. Despite the two states swapping positions, Florida remained the tipping point state where Biden crosses 270 electoral votes (or where Trump would surpass that threshold if he were to win all of the states in various shades of red plus the Biden toss ups up to and including the Sunshine state).

And given that the North Carolina and Ohio surveys mostly confirmed the averages that had already been established in each, they both retained their positions on the Spectrum, the two blue states right up against the partisan line.

Although the Watch List stayed the same as it was a day ago, Wisconsin moved closer to being included. Both Wisconsin and Nevada have average margins just under four points and are just off the List at this time.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Switch
Louisiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD1
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
New Hampshire
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Utah
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

--
Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll the thad Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


--
Related posts:
The Electoral College Map (6/23/20)

The Electoral College Map (6/22/20)

The Electoral College Map (6/20/20)

Tuesday, June 23, 2020

The Electoral College Map (6/23/20)

Update for June 23.


Election day is just 19 weeks away, and the state of the presidential race through the broad lens of the Electoral College looks like it did a week ago when these updates debuted. The state-level polls through the FHQ graduated weighted average continues to show an electoral vote tally favoring former Vice President Joe Biden. And neither the steady trickle of survey releases over the last week nor today's new Texas poll have done anything to change that.

Under the surface there have been some changes, but there just has not been enough polling to significantly alter the course of the race. Florida became and has stayed the tipping point state and Minnesota, on the weight of one new poll (and likely an outlier at that), shifted from a Biden Toss Up to a Strong Biden state.

That is really it in the first week of these projections updates. It is not that any of that is without consequence, it is just that those consequences have been fairly limited at the outset.

Polling quick hits:
Texas:
Public Policy Polling has now surveyed the Lone Star state twice this month, and those are the only two polls conducted in Texas completely within the month of June. The earlier poll found the race between Biden and President Donald Trump tied, but Biden's support has trailed off some in the state since then while Trump has held steady. And if one includes the PPP survey in Texas from April, then there is a bit of a pattern: the race has moved from a one point Biden edge in late April to a deadlock in early June to a two point Trump advantage as the month nears its end. Yes, that could just as easily be statistical noise across a group of surveys from one pollster, but it also may not be.

The bottom line through all of the Texas polling in 2020 to this point is that Trump enjoys a lead, but a consistently small one. This latest PPP survey overlays pretty cleanly on top of where the FHQ average has the race in the Lone Star state: basically Trump +2. Although, the poll has both candidates running a little less than a point ahead of their average shares of support.


NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
CT-7
(173)
NV-6
(249)
MO-10
(125)
NE-2
(56)
HI-4
(18)
OR-7
(180)
FL-293
(278/289)
AK-3
(115)
TN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
DE-3
(183)
WI-10
(288/260)
MT-3
(112)
AL-9
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
AZ-11
(299/250)
SC-9
(109)
ID-4
(34)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
PA-20
(319/239)
UT-6
(100)
KY-8
(30)
MD-10
(115)
MN-10
(207)
NC-15
(334/219)
LA-8
NE CD1-1
(94)
ND-3
(22)
IL-20
(135)
VA-13
(220)
OH-18
(352/204)
MS-6
(85)
SD-3
(19)
WA-12
(147)
ME-2
(222)
GA-16
(186)
IN-11
(79)
OK-7
(16)
RI-4
ME CD1-1
(152)
MI-16
(238)
IA-6
(170)
KS-6
(68)
WV-5
(9)
NJ-14
(166)
NH-4
NE CD2-1
(243)
TX-38
ME CD2-1
(164)
AR-6
(62)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Florida (Biden's toss up states up to Florida), he would have 289 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Florida
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state.

But this was one of those polls that maintains the status quo. Any survey that comes in essentially mimicking the average -- weighted or not -- will tend to do that. Needless to say, then, the Texas poll did little to shake things up here at FHQ. Texas stays in the group of Trump Toss Ups kept its spot at the bottom of the middle column in the Electoral College Spectrum. But the poll did ever so slightly nudge the average margin there up to nearly two points. Texas remains a state much closer than it has been in many cycles of the recent past, but still one that is lodged in the Republican column for now.

And if Texas is a state that is (and stays) close, then that is troubling sign for Trump and his reelection hopes. To have to expend resources defending Texas -- should it come to that -- is going to make it that much harder to go on offense in states the president carried four years ago. And there are actually quite a few states shaded in light blue above where the president's campaign will have to play defense and not offense. Six of the eight states in the Biden toss up category were Trump states in 2016.

But again, there are 19 weeks to go in this race and much can and will happen. The map may not stay this way throughout.

**There were no changes to either the tipping point state (Florida) above on the Spectrum or to the Watch List below. The new Texas poll moved the Lone Star state away from its most proximate category change. It was and is closer to becoming a Biden toss up rather than Lean Trump state at this point.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Switch
Louisiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD1
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
New Hampshire
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Utah
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

--
Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll the thad Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


--
Related posts:
The Electoral College Map (6/22/20)

The Electoral College Map (6/20/20)

The Electoral College Map (6/19/20)

Monday, June 22, 2020

The Electoral College Map (6/22/20)

Update for June 22.


After polling releases took a day off on Father's Day, a couple of new surveys greeted the start of the work week on Monday. Both strayed a bit -- and in different directions -- from the collective picture assembled from recent polling across the country. Neither, however, fundamentally altered the outlook either on the state level or in the tally of electoral votes for Joe Biden or Donald Trump.

Polling quick hits:
Alabama:
States with competitive Senate races in 2020 get not only Senate polls, but tend to churn out a steady stream of presidential race data as well. And that happens whether the presidential race is close or not. Think of all those Brown-Warren polls of Massachusetts from 2012 that nonetheless continually showed Obama well ahead of former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney in the presidential race. That is what is likely to happen in Alabama this year with Doug Jones representing the one Democratic-held seat most likely to flip in November. Any polls that come out will no doubt also have a test of the presidential trial heat as well and all a very likely to show a healthy lead for Trump.

That said, the internal statewide poll of Alabama from the Jones campaign found a presidential race within 15 points, a margin that passes for "close" in Alabama. But in all honesty, Alabama is not going to be a state that is going to be much closer than that or even anything other than ruby red in November. Nevertheless, the survey finds Biden under 40 points but running five points ahead of Hillary Clinton's pace set in the 2016 race in the Yellowhammer state. But the eye-opening number in this poll -- and again it is an internal Democratic poll -- is that Trump is barely cracking the 50 percent mark in the state, a nearly 10 point decline from the share of support he enjoyed in Alabama in 2016. If Trump is only garnering 53 percent in Alabama in November, then there are a lot of states that were red in 2016 turning blue in 2020.

The race in Alabama is unlikely to get to that point unless there is a significant cratering of Trump support. That does not seem all that probable.


Michigan:
While Alabama may be one of those uncompetitive states to get at least regular updates in the presidential race throughout the campaign, that is not a worry in Michigan, the most surveyed state in 2020. After a few recent polls found Biden up double digits in the Wolverine state, the last two surveys have shown a much tighter race. The latest is from Trafalgar Group with Biden up only one point.

However, the answer (or the margin really), as FHQ often says, is probably somewhere in the middle of those two sets of polls. And the FHQ graduated weighted average in Michigan is certainly there, placing the state firmly in the Lean Biden category. Does that make this poll an outlier? Well, both candidates are running behind their parties' share of support in the state in 2016. And that is not exactly a finding consistent with the 7 plus point average shift toward the Democrats that has been borne out of the 2020 polls to this point here at FHQ. It also does not jibe with overall trend that we have seen: Biden running ahead of 2016 and Trump running behind. The opposite is true here.

Come to your own conclusion on whether that constitutes an outlier. Yet, one thing is clear, Michigan remained a Biden state with a roughly 6.5 point lead on average.


NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
CT-7
(173)
NV-6
(249)
MO-10
(125)
NE-2
(56)
HI-4
(18)
OR-7
(180)
FL-293
(278/289)
AK-3
(115)
TN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
DE-3
(183)
WI-10
(288/260)
MT-3
(112)
AL-9
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
AZ-11
(299/250)
SC-9
(109)
ID-4
(34)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
PA-20
(319/239)
UT-6
(100)
KY-8
(30)
MD-10
(115)
MN-10
(207)
NC-15
(334/219)
LA-8
NE CD1-1
(94)
ND-3
(22)
IL-20
(135)
VA-13
(220)
OH-18
(352/204)
MS-6
(85)
SD-3
(19)
WA-12
(147)
ME-2
(222)
GA-16
(186)
IN-11
(79)
OK-7
(16)
RI-4
ME CD1-1
(152)
MI-16
(238)
IA-6
(170)
KS-6
(68)
WV-5
(9)
NJ-14
(166)
NH-4
NE CD2-1
(243)
TX-38
ME CD2-1
(164)
AR-6
(62)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Florida (Biden's toss up states up to Florida), he would have 289 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Florida
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state.

No, neither poll did much to shake things up too much. The Alabama poll did draw in the margin there and pushed it four cells toward the partisan line on the Electoral College Spectrum above. But the state remains in the far right column, deep in the coalition of Trump states. Michigan, despite the tight margin in the Trafalgar poll, did not budge on the Spectrum and the gap did not close enough to bring the average much closer to pushing Michigan onto the Watch List below.

Florida retains its position as the tipping point state and Montana, even without a new survey, slipped off the Watch List. The decay of older polls nudged the margin there below 9 points in favor of Trump, but kept the Treasure state on the upper end of the Lean Trump states.

But with 134 days until the election, the Electoral College stuck at Biden 352, Trump 186.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Switch
Louisiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD1
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
New Hampshire
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Utah
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

--
Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll the thad Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.

Saturday, June 20, 2020

The Electoral College Map (6/20/20)

Update for June 20.


Changes (June 20)
StateBeforeAfter
Minnesota
Toss Up Biden
Strong Biden
Ask and ye shall receive, I suppose.

Yesterday a new survey of underpolled New Hampshire was added into the FHQ state polling dataset and today Minnesota got an update to the state of the presidential race as well. For two blue states that finished 2016 with Clinton and Trump basically within a point or less of each other, Minnesota and New Hampshire are -- or have been -- polled entirely to sporadically during 2020. That still basically remains the case. Both are still woefully underpolled and that has been especially true during this April-June period when Biden's advantage in the surveys out there -- both nationally and at the state level -- has widened. The picture seemed somewhat incomplete with both states shaded in toss up light blue while others around them on the Electoral College Spectrum (below) saw the gap between Biden and Trump increase.

That was true when new data was added for New Hampshire a day ago and is even more true for Minnesota today.

Polling quick hits:
Minnesota:
Gravis Marketing surveyed the Land of 10,000 Lakes on June 19 and found Biden to have a significant advantage there. When the initial question -- Biden or Trump? -- was augmented by pushed responses from undecideds on a follow up, Biden ended up with a 58-42 advantage. That was not much of a departure from the Mason-Dixon poll of the state in May when Trump pulled in a 44 percent share of support. But Biden's comparative number there shot up nearly ten points between the two polls (admittedly from two different pollsters).

But that 16 point margin grabs one's attention, especially when the only other 2020 poll out of the state showed a far more modest Biden lead. It is reminiscent of the recent polling from nearby Michigan. Yes, the Wolverine state has been polled far more than Minnesota, but both ended 2016 in a dead heat between Clinton and Trump. If margin in Michigan has stretched out from that near tie, then Minnesota likely has as well.

Nonetheless, the gap feels a bit wider than the true margin likely is in Minnesota right now. What would help clear that up? Yeah, you guessed it: some more survey work.

NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
CT-7
(173)
NV-6
(249)
MO-10
(125)
NE-2
(56)
HI-4
(18)
OR-7
(180)
FL-293
(278/289)
AK-3
(115)
TN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
DE-3
(183)
WI-10
(288/260)
MT-3
(112)
ID-4
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
AZ-11
(299/250)
SC-9
(109)
KY-8
(39)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
PA-20
(319/239)
UT-6
(100)
ND-3
(31)
MD-10
(115)
MN-10
(207)
NC-15
(334/219)
LA-8
NE CD1-1
(94)
SD-3
(28)
IL-20
(135)
VA-13
(220)
OH-18
(352/204)
MS-6
(85)
AL-9
(25)
WA-12
(147)
ME-2
(222)
GA-16
(186)
IN-11
(79)
OK-7
(16)
RI-4
ME CD1-1
(152)
MI-16
(238)
IA-6
(170)
KS-6
(68)
WV-5
(9)
NJ-14
(166)
NH-4
NE CD2-1
(243)
TX-38
ME CD2-1
(164)
AR-6
(62)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Florida (Biden's toss up states up to Florida), he would have 289 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Florida
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state.

What the Gravis survey of Minnesota leaves one with here at FHQ though is this: Minnesota shifts sharply toward Biden in the average, pushing out of toss up territory and all the way in the Strong Biden category. Biden's lead in Minnesota in the FHQ graduated weighted average is just a smidge over 11 points. So it is not an edge that is well into that Strong category, but it is there. That is engouh to shift Minnesota six spots on the Electoral College Spectrum (above), far deeper into the Biden coalition of states.

It was also enough to pull the state off the Watch List (below), but only just barely.

With only one new poll to add into the mix, there are only so many changes that can stem from that. And while there were some across the board in FHQ's graphics in this space, it did little to change the overall picture. Biden maintains a 352-186 lead in the electoral college projection and Florida remains the state at the tipping point in the equation. The thing for Biden now is that he claims six states beyond that tipping point and that is a nice cushion to have now or any time. But it is just June and there is still a campaign to be contested, one that Trump reenters to some extent with a rally in Oklahoma this evening.

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NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Switch
Louisiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Montana
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Nebraska CD1
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
New Hampshire
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Utah
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

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Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll the thad Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.