Showing posts with label Virginia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Virginia. Show all posts

Wednesday, August 26, 2020

The Electoral College Map (8/26/20)

Update for August 26.


Day three of the Republican National Convention dawned with the release of a new wave of battleground polls from Change Research, and that had some folks proclaiming "tightening!" in the race for the White House. There are several problems with that premise that violate FHQ's rules for following polls at even a cursory level. Those rules:
1. Never take a poll in isolation. Always try to put it in context.
2. In an effort to contextualize any survey, compare it first to any previous survey in the state by that pollster (if available). If something prior from that firm is available, then USE THAT PREVIOUS POLL FOR COMPARISON FIRST. [Those calling "tightening!" based on the Change Research polls violated this rule.]
3. If no previous poll is available from that pollster in the state in question, then dig a bit deeper than just comparing margins across different polls. It helps to look both at the shares each candidate has in the surveys around the same time and at the share of undecideds. Doing that at least gives one a more robust comparison, one that can help better identify possible outliers. 
Yes, all of that takes a bit more time (and there are certainly other steps one could add to that list), but it ultimately yields something better than a shallow, knee-jerk reaction to any poll release. Speaking of poll releases...


Polling Quick Hits:
Virginia
(Biden 53, Trump 39)
It is still tough to imagine that Virginia has pushed as far into the Democratic coalition of states over the last (at least) three cycles. What had been a relatively comfortably red state before then has seemingly become reliably blue; blue enough that the commonwealth has not been polled at nearly the rate it has been in recent cycles. And what is more, the latest survey of Virginia from Roanoke College nudges the average margin there up to push the Old Dominion off the Watch List below. Virginia is a Strong Biden state and no longer (immediately) threatening to shift into Lean territory. [And incidentally, since the last Roanoke survey of the commonwealth, Biden has gained a couple of points while Trump has stayed steady at 39 percent.]


Wisconsin
(Trump 46, Biden 45)
Over in the Badger state, Trafalgar Group was back in the field during the Democratic convention and into the weekend following it. Some decry the methods out of Trafalgar, but one can take this poll for what it demonstrates relative to the firm's last survey of Wisconsin: no movement. Yes, adjust for the perceived bias if one must, but since the firm was last in the field in the state, Trump has maintained a one point lead with the president at the height of his range of results there over the summer. Meanwhile, Biden has not been as low as 45 percent since a Redfield poll last month that had him up by ten points. If the dual storylines out of this one are 1) outlier and 2) shows no movement, then it is not really the best of news for the incumbent.


Change Research
(late August battleground poll wave)
Looking at the latest wave from Change Research, the take home lesson continues to be that the race is mostly stable. At the end of the day, the candidate's shares of support moved one and maybe two points in five of the six states since the early August series of polls. Again, stability rather than movement is the message. The exception is Arizona where Biden maintained his slim lead and both candidates saw increased support (beyond the one or two point shifts elsewhere) at the expense of undecided/other. Sure, this set of surveys was in the field the weekend after the Democratic convention, and they are not showing much of a bounce for Biden, but they are not exactly showing any tightening either. Minus the late June and early July waves from the Change Research dataset, this looks like a pretty consistent Biden advantage where it matters most. That can still change, of course, but time is ticking off the clock.

Arizona: Biden +2 (Biden +4, Trump +3 since early August wave)
Florida: Biden +3 (Biden -1, Trump +2)
Michigan: Biden +6 (Biden +2, Trump +1)
North Carolina: Biden +1 (Biden +1, Trump -1)
Pennsylvania: Biden +3 (Biden +1, Trump +2)
Wisconsin: Biden +5 (Biden +2, Trump +1)



NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
CT-7
(162)
WI-10
(252)
AK-3
(125)
UT-6
(60)
HI-4
(18)
NJ-14
(176)
PA-203
NE CD2-1
(273 | 286)
MO-10
(122)
IN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
OR-7
(183)
FL-29
(302 | 265)
SC-9
(112)
ID-4
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
NV-6
(308 | 236)
KS-6
(103)
KY-8
(39)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
AZ-11
(319 | 230)
MT-3
NE CD1-1
(97)
AL-9
(31)
WA-12
(117)
VA-13
(210)
NC-15
(334 | 219)
MS-6
(93)
ND-3
(22)
MD-10
(127)
ME-2
(212)
ME CD2-1
OH-18
(353 | 204)
AR-6
(87)
SD-3
(19)
IL-20
(147)
MN-10
(222)
IA-6
(185)
NE-2
(81)
OK-7
(16)
ME CD1-1
RI-4
(152)
MI-16
(238)
GA-16
(179)
LA-8
(79)
WV-5
(9)
DE-3
(155)
NH-4
(242)
TX-38
(163)
TN-11
(71)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Pennsylvania (Biden's toss up states plus the Pennsylvania), he would have 286 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Pennsylvania
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state. The tipping point cell is shaded in yellow to denote that and the font color is adjusted to attempt to reflect the category in which the state is.

The thing about the Change Research battleground polls is that this wave is consistent with the averages at FHQ. No, the margins are different, but the order of the six states matches the order on the Electoral College Spectrum above. And needless to say, that match did little to disrupt the order as it appeared yesterday. Even with that outlier in Wisconsin from Trafalgar added, the Badger state maintained its spot in the order but did slip back onto the Watch List below. Wisconsin's margin is now within a fraction of a point of the Lean/Toss up line among Biden's current coalition of states. But while Wisconsin moved back on the List, Virginia came off it (and switched places on the Spectrum with Maine on top of it).

There remain 12 states and districts to watch along with underpolled Nevada. It is that group that most likely could see some change in classification here at FHQ upon the introduction of new polling data.

--
There were no new polls from Nevada today.

Days since the last Nevada poll was in the field: 118.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Potential Switch
Florida
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Georgia
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Iowa
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Maine
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
Maine CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Missouri
from Toss Up Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Pennsylvania
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Toss Up Trump
Wisconsin
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

--
Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll that had Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


--
Recent posts:
The Electoral College Map (8/25/20)

The Electoral College Map (8/24/20)

One Thing About Convention Bounces


Follow FHQ on TwitterInstagram and Facebook or subscribe by Email.

Thursday, July 30, 2020

The Electoral College Map (7/30/20)

Update for July 30.


Changes (July 30)
StateBeforeAfter
New HampshireToss Up BidenLean Biden
PennsylvaniaToss Up BidenLean Biden
Another day, another slew of polls to consider. Thursday offered another 11 polls from eight states with a couple of backdated New Hampshire(!) polls thrown in for good measure. None of it change the overall tally, but it did push a couple of Biden toss up states into the Lean Biden category. Pennsylvania is no stranger to that change, having flip-flopped back and forth across the Lean/Toss up line frequently in recent days. But New Hampshire has been (unconvincingly) mired in the Biden toss up group of states since the beginning, begging for any update that might bring it in line with states that finished around it in November 2016. Now the update is in, and New Hampshire is a toss up no longer.

Elsewhere...


Polling Quick Hits:
Florida (Biden 50, Trump 46):
Mason-Dixon went into the field in the Sunshine state for the first time this year and found Joe Biden  at the 50 percent mark and up by four. Neither datapoint strays too far from where the majority of Florida polling has been over the last half of July. But Biden was ahead of his FHQ average of support by about a point and a half while Trump overperformed his average by about 2.5 points.


New Hampshire (Biden 53, Trump 40):
While New Hampshire has been a Biden toss up since FHQ began these updates in mid-June, it was lack of polling that kept the Granite state there rather than any new polling. Adding in the May, June and July numbers from the University of New Hampshire colored the state a darker shade of blue. Trump held the same two point advantage in May that he had in February in the UNH poll, but saw that lead vanish under a seeming avalanche of support for Biden over the last two months. [Biden was basically +10 over that time while Trump lost around six points.] The former vice president held commanding 13 point leads in both, and on the weight of those polls, Biden's advantage in the Granite state ballooned enough to push it into Lean Biden territory.


North Carolina (Trump 48, Biden 47):
A week and a half after it was last in the field in the Tar Heel state, Cardinal Point Analytics was back with another survey of the state. The picture looked about the same: Trump narrowly ahead on rosiest end of the spectrum of recent North Carolina polls. That did little to move the state from the consistent lead Biden has had in the FHQ averages (between Biden +1 and 2 points)


Pennsylvania (Biden 50, Trump 41):
The latest Franklin and Marshall survey of Pennsylvania is its first in the state and it looked very similar to the Morning Consult poll of the Keystone state from earlier this week. If the Cardinal Point poll was on the Trump side of the range in North Carolina polling, then the two aforementioned Pennsylvania polls fall on the Biden-favorable end of the range there. And while that is true and Pennsylvania again jumped into the Lean Biden category, it continues to hover around that Lean/Toss Up line about five points out of Trump's reach at the moment.


Redfield & Wilton Strategies (July wave):
The July wave of the Redfield and Wilton Strategies battleground surveys offered a bit of a mixed bag. Yes, Biden maintains leads in all six states, but the former vice president got mixed results compared to the June wave from the firm. On average, he gained 1/6th of a point, but that was distributed in a non-uniform way across the states. Still, the order of the states -- minus Arizona -- is consistent with the established rank ordering of states in the Electoral College Spectrum below. None were outside of the established ranges of polling results either.

North Carolina: Biden +1 (-5) (+4 since June wave)
Florida: Biden +7 (+3)
Pennsylvania: Biden +7 (-3)
Arizona: Biden +8
Wisconsin: Biden +10 (+1)
Michigan: Biden +12 (+1)


NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
HI-42
(7)
NJ-14
(173)
WI-10
NE CD2-1
(253)
AK-3
(125)
TN-11
(56)
MA-11
(18)
OR-7
(180)
PA-203
(273 | 285)
MO-10
(122)
NE-2
(45)
CA-55
(73)
DE-3
(183)
FL-29
(302 | 265)
SC-9
(112)
AL-9
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
NV-6
(308 | 236)
MT-3
(103)
ID-4
(34)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
AZ-11
(319 | 230)
UT-6
(100)
ND-3
(30)
WA-12
(117)
ME-2
(199)
NC-15
(334 | 219)
LA-8
NE CD1-1
(94)
KY-8
(27)
MD-10
(127)
VA-13
(212)
OH-18
(204)
MS-6
(85)
SD-3
(19)
IL-20
(147)
MN-10
(222)
GA-16
(186)
IN-11
(79)
OK-7
(16)
RI-4
ME CD1-1
(152)
MI-16
(238)
TX-38
(170)
AR-6
(68)
WV-5
(9)
CT-7
(159)
NH-4
(242)
IA-6
ME CD2-1
(132)
KS-6
(62)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Pennsylvania (Biden's toss up states plus the Pennsylvania), he would have 285 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Pennsylvania
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state.

With the shifts in New Hampshire and Pennsylvania, there were a few other changes of note. First, Pennsylvania takes over as the sole tipping point state. Trump would have to claw back all four Biden toss ups and Pennsylvania to get to 270. And both Pennsylvania and the next state in the order, Florida, remain tipped about five points toward Biden. That is presents some significant ground to make up. Second, with New Hampshire's move onto Lean Biden turf, Biden again now has 270 electoral votes projected to him from his Strong and Lean states alone. His toss ups at this point are superfluous to the hunt for 270.

But that obscures the fact that Nevada remains a Biden toss up. And like New Hampshire, the Silver state has lack a recent polling update. It also would probably be tilted a bit more toward Biden and at least in the Lean category if it followed the swings in other states that finished around it in 2016.

The Watch List below stayed about the same as a day ago. New Hampshire came off the List and is nestled well within the Lean Biden category at nearly Biden +7.

--
There were also no new polls from Nevada today.

Days since the last Nevada poll was in the field: 91.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Potential Switch
Florida
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Georgia
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Indiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Louisiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Missouri
from Toss Up Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD1
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Pennsylvania
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
Utah
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
Wisconsin
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

--
Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll that had Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


--
Recent posts:
Draft Resolution Would Largely Extend 2020 Democratic Nomination Rules to 2024

The Electoral College Map (7/29/20)

The Electoral College Map (7/28/20)


Follow FHQ on TwitterInstagram and Facebook or subscribe by Email.

Tuesday, July 28, 2020

The Electoral College Map (7/28/20)

Update for July 28.


Changes (July 28)
StateBeforeAfter
FloridaLean BidenToss Up Biden
OhioToss Up BidenToss Up Trump
PennsylvaniaToss Up BidenLean Biden
The Tuesday 14 weeks before election day brought with it a slew of new polls. In fact, 35 new surveys were added to the FHQ polling dataset for 2020 from 19 states. That included a couple of 12 state waves from Morning Consult and another 7 state series from Public Policy Polling. There was even a Maine survey that included the first look at the races on the congressional district level.

And all that new data ushered in a few changes in this space. One will forgive FHQ for glossing over the Florida and Pennsylvania shifts. Both continue to hover around the border between Lean and Toss Up on the Biden side of the partisan line. But the noticeable change is Ohio jumping the partisan line into Toss Up Trump territory. Other than a brief period at the end of June and the beginning of July when Georgia drifted over to Biden's side of the ledger, the race has fairly steadily been stuck on a Biden 352, Trump 186 tally. That changes today. The Buckeye state has been on the Watch List for the majority of these updates over the last month plus, but has stubbornly stayed ever so slightly tipped in Biden's direction. Now, the opposite is true. How stubborn that bent is, however, remains to be seen. Ohio has been underpolled for the most party -- at least compared to past cycles -- and the two Morning Consult surveys of the Buckeye state were more Trump-favorable than a lot of recent polling there.

Elsewhere...


Polling Quick Hits:
Massachusetts (Biden 55, Trump 23):
The funny thing about the MassINC Polling Group survey of the Bay state is that Biden received his lowest share of support in the limited number of polls conducted there so far in 2020. And the former vice president still led by 32 points. That is because Trump had his lowest share of support in Massachusetts this year as well. The data are nice, but only confirm what was already known about Massachusetts. Yes, it will be a blue state in the fall, but it will be among the bluest states. It had held down the most Democratic cell on the Electoral College Spectrum below, but this poll actually reduced the margin there and yielded that spot to Hawaii.


Maine CD1 (Biden 55, Trump 35):
Both polls from Maine today -- the Public Policy Polling survey (linked below) and this one from Colby College -- are right in the area where the Pine Tree state has settled in this race: just on the Strong side of the Strong/Lean Biden line. And while nothing in either poll changed that, what the Colby poll offered was the initial glimpse at the race on the congressional district level. There were no surprises in CD1. It continues to be a safe jurisdiction for the Democrats. And, in fact, the Biden +20 margin was close to the uniform swing projection FHQ had made based on the shift since 2016 in states that had finished close to the district.


Maine CD2 (Biden 45, Trump 42):
But the real news may have been from the more rural, northern district of the two in Maine; the one Trump won by nearly 10 points in 2016. There, the picture is different through the lens of this survey. Biden may lead by three, but combining that shift with the changes in states that finished near ME CD2 in 2016 still gives the edge to Trump. But that advantage has shrunk and is trending toward the Watch List. Bear in mind that the average shift from 2016 across all states is now a little less than eight points. If one were to shave that average shift off Trump's 2016 margin in ME CD2, then it ends up a with a margin only a little more than the Trump +1.98 at which FHQ now has it calculated.


New Jersey (Biden 51, Trump 33):
Like Massachusetts above, New Jersey, too, is in no danger of being anything other than a safe state for Joe Biden in November. But the update in the Garden state from DKC Analytics is welcome. The 18 point advantage there for the former vice presidential matches the existing gap between the major party candidates in FHQ's graduated weighted averages.


South Carolina (Trump 50, Biden 45):
This one actually was released a day ago but did not quite make it before the update yesterday. But ALG Research, like the brilliant corners survey yesterday, found Trump right at the 50 percent mark in a state the president carried by 14 with 55 percent in 2016. The Palmetto state is unlikely to turn blue any time soon unless the bottom truly drops out on Trump, but the two surveys from the state released in the last 24 hours show about an eight point swing since 2016. And again, that is right there where FHQ has the average swing nationwide.


Morning Consult (May | July waves):
Rather than go through these polls one by one, FHQ will handle them collectively as has become the custom around here when large waves of polls are released. The focus in those cases should always be on the order of the states and how they match up with the established rank ordering as depicted on the Spectrum below.

The big thing between the May and July waves is that while Biden and Trump split the 12 states in May, Biden had taken the lead in 10 of the 12 in this latest round. On average Biden gained a little more than 3.5 points across the dozen states from May to July.

May
Ohio: Trump +8
Texas: Trump +7
North Carolina: Trump +3
Georgia: Trump +2
Arizona: Trump +2
Florida: Trump +1
                               
Pennsylvania: Biden +4
Wisconsin: Biden +5
Minnesota: Biden +7
Michigan: Biden +8
Colorado: Biden +8
Virginia: Biden +10

July
Ohio: Trump +3
North Carolina: Tied
Georgia: Biden +1
Texas: Biden +2
Florida: Biden +3
Minnesota: Biden +3
Arizona: Biden +7
Wisconsin: Biden +7
Pennsylvania: Biden +8
Michigan: Biden +10
Virginia: Biden +11
Colorado: Biden +13

And the order largely holds up in both. Ohio stands out as a state that looked a little more Trump-favorable in these polls than elsewhere, but the Buckeye state is in a fairly tight cluster with Georgia and Texas with North Carolina a bit more distant at the moment. Other than Ohio, Minnesota was the only state among the 12 to actually move in the president's direction since May. But it remains a Lean Biden state and the one most tilted in his direction among that group. Arizona looked like an outlier in the May wave, but swung hard toward Biden in this latest survey conducted by Morning Consult. Split the difference between those two polls and one pretty much has where Arizona is now at FHQ: Biden +3.45.


Public Policy Polling (July wave):
Alaska: Trump +6
Montana: Trump +5
Iowa: Trump +1
                                
Georgia: Biden +1
North Carolina: Biden +3
Maine: Biden +11
Colorado: Biden +13

This group of polls may be more interesting for any Senate or gubernatorial polling simultaneously done with the presidential trial heats. But the bottom line is that the rank ordering in this series aligns with where FHQ has them among each. None of the seven did anything to uproot any of the states from their current positions, either the categories each is in or their spots on the Spectrum below.



NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
HI-42
(7)
NJ-14
(173)
PA-203
(269 | 289)
AK-3
(125)
TN-11
(56)
MA-11
(18)
OR-7
(180)
FL-293
(298 | 269)
MO-10
(122)
NE-2
(45)
CA-55
(73)
DE-3
(183)
NH-4
(302 | 240)
SC-9
(112)
AL-9
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
NV-6
(308 | 236)
MT-3
(103)
ID-4
(34)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
AZ-11
(319 | 230)
UT-6
(100)
ND-3
(30)
MD-10
(115)
ME-2
(199)
NC-15
(334 | 219)
LA-8
NE CD1-1
(94)
KY-8
(27)
IL-20
(135)
VA-13
(212)
GA-16
(204)
MS-6
(85)
SD-3
(19)
WA-12
(147)
MN-10
(222)
OH-18
(188)
IN-11
(79)
OK-7
(16)
RI-4
ME CD1-1
(152)
MI-16
(238)
TX-38
(170)
AR-6
(68)
WV-5
(9)
CT-7
(159)
WI-10
NE CD2-1
(249)
IA-6
ME CD2-1
(132)
KS-6
(62)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Pennsylvania (Biden's toss up states up to the Keystone state), he would have 289 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Florida
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state for the former vice president. But because the line between Florida and Pennsylvania creates an Electoral College tie (269-269), Pennsylvania is the tipping point state for Trump. It is where the president surpasses 270 electoral votes. Collectively, Florida and Pennsylvania are the tipping point states.

The take home today is that the shuffling among those states around the Lean/Toss Up Biden line has once again affected the tipping point in the order. Once again, there is no one tipping point state. If Trump were to mount a comeback and win all of the states up to Florida in the order then the president would have 269 electoral votes. The tipping point, then, is just between Florida and Pennsylvania. A candidate would have to win both states to get to 270.

The order on the Spectrum remained much the same. Obviously, Ohio pushing over into Trump territory is noteworthy, but so too is the fact that it did that and passed Georgia in the process. The Peach state is now the closest state. Both are on the Watch List below, within a point of shifting to Toss Up Biden.

Speaking of the List, Maine, Minnesota and Montana all came off today with the addition of new polls.


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There were also no new polls from Nevada nor New Hampshire today.

Days since the last Nevada poll was in the field: 89.
Days since the last New Hampshire poll was in the field: 42.

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NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Potential Switch
Florida
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Georgia
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Indiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Louisiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Missouri
from Toss Up Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD1
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
New Hampshire
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Pennsylvania
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
Utah
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
Wisconsin
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

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Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll that had Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


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Related posts:
The Electoral College Map (7/27/20)

The Electoral College Map (7/26/20)

The Electoral College Map (7/25/20)


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