Wednesday, August 26, 2020

The Electoral College Map (8/26/20)

Update for August 26.


Day three of the Republican National Convention dawned with the release of a new wave of battleground polls from Change Research, and that had some folks proclaiming "tightening!" in the race for the White House. There are several problems with that premise that violate FHQ's rules for following polls at even a cursory level. Those rules:
1. Never take a poll in isolation. Always try to put it in context.
2. In an effort to contextualize any survey, compare it first to any previous survey in the state by that pollster (if available). If something prior from that firm is available, then USE THAT PREVIOUS POLL FOR COMPARISON FIRST. [Those calling "tightening!" based on the Change Research polls violated this rule.]
3. If no previous poll is available from that pollster in the state in question, then dig a bit deeper than just comparing margins across different polls. It helps to look both at the shares each candidate has in the surveys around the same time and at the share of undecideds. Doing that at least gives one a more robust comparison, one that can help better identify possible outliers. 
Yes, all of that takes a bit more time (and there are certainly other steps one could add to that list), but it ultimately yields something better than a shallow, knee-jerk reaction to any poll release. Speaking of poll releases...


Polling Quick Hits:
Virginia
(Biden 53, Trump 39)
It is still tough to imagine that Virginia has pushed as far into the Democratic coalition of states over the last (at least) three cycles. What had been a relatively comfortably red state before then has seemingly become reliably blue; blue enough that the commonwealth has not been polled at nearly the rate it has been in recent cycles. And what is more, the latest survey of Virginia from Roanoke College nudges the average margin there up to push the Old Dominion off the Watch List below. Virginia is a Strong Biden state and no longer (immediately) threatening to shift into Lean territory. [And incidentally, since the last Roanoke survey of the commonwealth, Biden has gained a couple of points while Trump has stayed steady at 39 percent.]


Wisconsin
(Trump 46, Biden 45)
Over in the Badger state, Trafalgar Group was back in the field during the Democratic convention and into the weekend following it. Some decry the methods out of Trafalgar, but one can take this poll for what it demonstrates relative to the firm's last survey of Wisconsin: no movement. Yes, adjust for the perceived bias if one must, but since the firm was last in the field in the state, Trump has maintained a one point lead with the president at the height of his range of results there over the summer. Meanwhile, Biden has not been as low as 45 percent since a Redfield poll last month that had him up by ten points. If the dual storylines out of this one are 1) outlier and 2) shows no movement, then it is not really the best of news for the incumbent.


Change Research
(late August battleground poll wave)
Looking at the latest wave from Change Research, the take home lesson continues to be that the race is mostly stable. At the end of the day, the candidate's shares of support moved one and maybe two points in five of the six states since the early August series of polls. Again, stability rather than movement is the message. The exception is Arizona where Biden maintained his slim lead and both candidates saw increased support (beyond the one or two point shifts elsewhere) at the expense of undecided/other. Sure, this set of surveys was in the field the weekend after the Democratic convention, and they are not showing much of a bounce for Biden, but they are not exactly showing any tightening either. Minus the late June and early July waves from the Change Research dataset, this looks like a pretty consistent Biden advantage where it matters most. That can still change, of course, but time is ticking off the clock.

Arizona: Biden +2 (Biden +4, Trump +3 since early August wave)
Florida: Biden +3 (Biden -1, Trump +2)
Michigan: Biden +6 (Biden +2, Trump +1)
North Carolina: Biden +1 (Biden +1, Trump -1)
Pennsylvania: Biden +3 (Biden +1, Trump +2)
Wisconsin: Biden +5 (Biden +2, Trump +1)



NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
CT-7
(162)
WI-10
(252)
AK-3
(125)
UT-6
(60)
HI-4
(18)
NJ-14
(176)
PA-203
NE CD2-1
(273 | 286)
MO-10
(122)
IN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
OR-7
(183)
FL-29
(302 | 265)
SC-9
(112)
ID-4
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
NV-6
(308 | 236)
KS-6
(103)
KY-8
(39)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
AZ-11
(319 | 230)
MT-3
NE CD1-1
(97)
AL-9
(31)
WA-12
(117)
VA-13
(210)
NC-15
(334 | 219)
MS-6
(93)
ND-3
(22)
MD-10
(127)
ME-2
(212)
ME CD2-1
OH-18
(353 | 204)
AR-6
(87)
SD-3
(19)
IL-20
(147)
MN-10
(222)
IA-6
(185)
NE-2
(81)
OK-7
(16)
ME CD1-1
RI-4
(152)
MI-16
(238)
GA-16
(179)
LA-8
(79)
WV-5
(9)
DE-3
(155)
NH-4
(242)
TX-38
(163)
TN-11
(71)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Pennsylvania (Biden's toss up states plus the Pennsylvania), he would have 286 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Pennsylvania
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state. The tipping point cell is shaded in yellow to denote that and the font color is adjusted to attempt to reflect the category in which the state is.

The thing about the Change Research battleground polls is that this wave is consistent with the averages at FHQ. No, the margins are different, but the order of the six states matches the order on the Electoral College Spectrum above. And needless to say, that match did little to disrupt the order as it appeared yesterday. Even with that outlier in Wisconsin from Trafalgar added, the Badger state maintained its spot in the order but did slip back onto the Watch List below. Wisconsin's margin is now within a fraction of a point of the Lean/Toss up line among Biden's current coalition of states. But while Wisconsin moved back on the List, Virginia came off it (and switched places on the Spectrum with Maine on top of it).

There remain 12 states and districts to watch along with underpolled Nevada. It is that group that most likely could see some change in classification here at FHQ upon the introduction of new polling data.

--
There were no new polls from Nevada today.

Days since the last Nevada poll was in the field: 118.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Potential Switch
Florida
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Georgia
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Iowa
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Maine
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
Maine CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Missouri
from Toss Up Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Pennsylvania
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Toss Up Trump
Wisconsin
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

--
Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll that had Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


--
Recent posts:
The Electoral College Map (8/25/20)

The Electoral College Map (8/24/20)

One Thing About Convention Bounces


Follow FHQ on TwitterInstagram and Facebook or subscribe by Email.

Tuesday, August 25, 2020

The Electoral College Map (8/25/20)

Update for August 25.


The Republican National Convention enters day two today with just ten weeks now separating this presidential race from election day. But the polls added at FHQ today all came from states that have favored Joe Biden from the jump, all were in the field during or just after the virtual Democratic confab a week ago, and all were consistent with previous polling or existing (FHQ) averages in each. None of that adds up to big sweeping changes. But in a couple of deep blue states -- Biden's home of Delaware and New York -- the updates were helpful in contextualizing both with respect to the swings witnessed from 2016 to now.

And no, the Empire state does not appear to be moving into a more competitive space, contra some recent claims.


Polling Quick Hits:
Delaware 
(Biden 58, Trump 37)
Public Policy Polling dropped into the First state to conduct the first survey there since January. And things really have not changed all that much. Unsurprisingly, the Democratic nominee (and favorite son) is doing quite well in Delaware. Yet, even with a 21 point lead, the former vice president has only matched the average share Democratic presidential candidates have received there over the last three cycles. And while Biden has gained five points on Hillary Clinton's showing in Delaware four years ago, the president has lost nearly five off his. That makes the swing in Delaware a bit above average.


Florida
(Biden 48, Trump 44)
The North Carolina-based polling firm, Public Policy Polling, was also in the field in Florida over the weekend (which FHQ was surprised to see was their first time conducting a public poll there in calendar 2020). But the survey was not all that inconsistent with the current FHQ averages frr both candidates in the Sunshine state. In fact, when those averages are rounded, they come to Biden 48, Trump 44. Understandably, that hardly shook Florida from its position as a state flirting with the line between the Biden Toss Up and Lean categories.


New York
(Biden 63, Trump 32)
The third of Public Policy Polling's trio of weekend surveys was in the Empire state. If not for the April Siena poll of the state, this would have marked both Biden's high water mark in New York and his largest margin in a poll there in calendar 2020. Instead, it is more evidence that New York is among the bluest of states. The Trump share is right on his New York average at FHQ, but in this poll, Biden is running a bit ahead of his. But that is with a decent number of undecideds still out there.


North Carolina
(Biden 49, Trump 46)
Finally, Morning Consult fielded a survey in the Tar Heel state that stretched through the duration of the Democratic convention and into the weekend following it. And like many recent polls of North Carolina, it fell in a relatively tight range of Biden +4 to Trump +2. As FHQ said a day ago about in a synopsis of where things stand in Texas, North Carolina is one of those states that is simply close, but unlike Texas is tipped fairly consistently in the former vice president's direction. And while Biden may be a bit ahead of his averages there in this poll, Trump is near enough his.



NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
CT-7
(162)
WI-10
(252)
AK-3
(125)
UT-6
(60)
HI-4
(18)
NJ-14
(176)
PA-203
NE CD2-1
(273 | 286)
MO-10
(122)
IN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
OR-7
(183)
FL-29
(302 | 265)
SC-9
(112)
ID-4
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
NV-6
(308 | 236)
KS-6
(103)
KY-8
(39)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
AZ-11
(319 | 230)
MT-3
NE CD1-1
(97)
AL-9
(31)
WA-12
(117)
ME-2
(199)
NC-15
(334 | 219)
MS-6
(93)
ND-3
(22)
MD-10
(127)
VA-13
(212)
ME CD2-1
OH-18
(353 | 204)
AR-6
(87)
SD-3
(19)
IL-20
(147)
MN-10
(222)
IA-6
(185)
NE-2
(81)
OK-7
(16)
ME CD1-1
RI-4
(152)
MI-16
(238)
GA-16
(179)
LA-8
(79)
WV-5
(9)
DE-3
(155)
NH-4
(242)
TX-38
(163)
TN-11
(71)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Pennsylvania (Biden's toss up states plus the Pennsylvania), he would have 286 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Pennsylvania
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state. The tipping point cell is shaded in yellow to denote that and the font color is adjusted to attempt to reflect the category in which the state is.

Today's new polls add new understanding about where this presidential race currently stands, and it is not more than a stone's throw away from where it has been: showing Biden comfortably enough ahead to have a more than 80 electoral vote cushion in the projected electoral college tally. Now again, the race still has 70 days to go, so that can change. But it is remarkable just how stable things have been. New York and the two Biden toss ups all kept their positions on the Electoral College Spectrum above, but Delaware shifted even further into Biden's coalition of states, pushing three more cells over into the far left column.

However, the Watch List remained unchanged from a day ago. The same 12 states and districts that were within a fraction of a point of changing categories are still there, joined by underpolled Nevada. Those states and districts are the ones to watch. But even then, if the objective is to witness change in the overall tally, then that list is pared down to just three. Georgia, Iowa and Ohio are the states that are positioned closest to the partisan line and most likely to alter the projected number of electoral votes for each major party candidate.

--
There were no new polls from Nevada today.

Days since the last Nevada poll was in the field: 117.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Potential Switch
Florida
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Georgia
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Iowa
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Maine
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
Maine CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Missouri
from Toss Up Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Pennsylvania
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Toss Up Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

--
Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll that had Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


--
Recent posts:
The Electoral College Map (8/24/20)

One Thing About Convention Bounces

The Electoral College Map (8/22/20)


Follow FHQ on TwitterInstagram and Facebook or subscribe by Email.

Monday, August 24, 2020

The Electoral College Map (8/24/20)

Update for August 24.


Changes (August 24)
StateBeforeAfter
Louisiana
Lean Trump
Strong Trump
As the Republican Party opened their national convention in Charlotte with a unanimous roll call vote in favor of President Trump, convention week part two kicked off. And with it came a handful of state-level polls that shed more light on the state of play in a pair of the most competitive states at FHQ and another survey that drew the average in Louisiana to a more normal area given how other states have swung from 2016 to now. Let's start there.


Polling Quick Hits:
Louisiana 
(Trump 54, Biden 38)
Trafalgar Group's latest was a survey that was in the field in the Pelican state the weekend before the virtual Democratic National Convention and it found a race not too far from how the picture looked on election day 2016. Biden actually hit Clinton's total in the state while President Trump ran four points behind the share he received there four years ago. But those numbers are perhaps less interesting than the fact that this survey brought the swing in Louisiana to a level on par with the average swing that has been established across all states at FHQ. Trump's share there has him about six points behind his 2016 pace while Biden is a couple of points ahead of where Hillary Clinton ended up there. That eight point swing is consistent with an average swing across all state that is now at 7.65 points in the Democrats' direction. Call Trafalgar an outlier if one must, but recognize that in this case it serves as a counterbalance to last week's survey of Louisiana that was probably an outlier in the other direction.


Ohio
(Biden 47, Trump 46)
In the Buckeye state, the closest state on the Biden side of the partisan line on the Electoral College Spectrum below, TargetSmart had a new poll in the field as July turned to August. The results did not differ too much from much of the polling over the same late July and August period, which is to say it showed a close race. But in this case, the poll found a slight advantage for the former vice president. Biden's margin there is +0.22 now which keeps the typical battleground squarely in battleground territory despite Trump's rather comfortable 2016 win there. And really, this poll is does not miss the, um, target by much. The average shares for each candidate (rounded) have them both at 46 percent.


Texas
(Biden 48, Trump 47)
Finally, in Texas, Public Policy Polling also has Biden up by a point. But that is close to the rosiest picture for the former vice president in polling that has been released from the Lone Star state since mid-July. That is one end of the range while Trump's recent leads there have ballooned to the mid-single digits. So it should come as no surprise that Biden is running ahead of his FHQ average in this survey while PPP has Trump right on his. Texas is close, but it is not as close as Ohio and probably best thought of as the North Carolina on Trump's side of the partisan line: a state that is close but has consistent favored one candidate over the other.


NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
NJ-14
(173)
WI-10
(252)
AK-3
(125)
UT-6
(60)
HI-4
(18)
OR-7
(180)
PA-203
NE CD2-1
(273 | 286)
MO-10
(122)
IN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
DE-3
(183)
FL-29
(302 | 265)
SC-9
(112)
ID-4
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
NV-6
(308 | 236)
KS-6
(103)
KY-8
(39)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
AZ-11
(319 | 230)
MT-3
NE CD1-1
(97)
AL-9
(31)
WA-12
(117)
ME-2
(199)
NC-15
(334 | 219)
MS-6
(93)
ND-3
(22)
MD-10
(127)
VA-13
(212)
ME CD2-1
OH-18
(353 | 204)
AR-6
(87)
SD-3
(19)
IL-20
(147)
MN-10
(222)
IA-6
(185)
NE-2
(81)
OK-7
(16)
ME CD1-1
RI-4
(152)
MI-16
(238)
GA-16
(179)
LA-8
(79)
WV-5
(9)
CT-7
(159)
NH-4
(242)
TX-38
(163)
TN-11
(71)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Pennsylvania (Biden's toss up states plus the Pennsylvania), he would have 286 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Pennsylvania
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state.

Republican convention week began with a fair number of releases considering most polls would be expected to have been in the field during the weekend interregnum between conventions. That may produce some more state-level polling as the week progresses, but it likely will not be a torrent of them. And this series did little to fundamentally change things here at FHQ. Yes, Louisiana shifted back into Strong Trump territory, pushing it down a few cells deeper into the president's coalition of states and off the Watch List, but that was it. When it came to two of the closest states in the order -- Ohio and Texas -- little changed. Sure, those average margins moved, but both maintained their positions on the Spectrum close to the partisan line and Ohio continued to be among the states on the Watch List.

Since Louisiana came off the List, the number of states and districts represented fell to just 12. Those states and underpolled Nevada remain the ones to watch as new surveys are released in the coming days. They are the ones most likely to change categories.

--
There were no new polls from Nevada today.

Days since the last Nevada poll was in the field: 116.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Potential Switch
Florida
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Georgia
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Iowa
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Maine
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
Maine CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Missouri
from Toss Up Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Pennsylvania
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Toss Up Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

--
Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll that had Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


--
Recent posts:
One Thing About Convention Bounces

The Electoral College Map (8/22/20)

The Electoral College Map (8/21/20)


Follow FHQ on TwitterInstagram and Facebook or subscribe by Email.